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ISLAMABAD
In my exploration of the socio-political landscape, I have come to a rather stark conclusion: the loyalty of both the elite and the Aam Aadmi for their motherland (Pakistan) is not as steadfast as one might hope. Nationalism, it seems, plays a secondary role in their allegiances. Here, the rule of law remains an elusive concept, overshadowed by the pervasive influence of the elite, who manipulate national institutions—for their own benefit.
Undoubtedly, corruption—whether in financial dealings or ethical conduct—stands as the foremost challenge facing Pakistan. This problem is sustained by 1% elite, while the remaining 99% frequently find themselves caught in various manifestations of corruption within their own environments. Essentially, this indicates that corruption is deeply ingrained in Pakistani society in multiple forms.
The discussion centers around whether the actions of the elite (1%) are detrimental to Pakistan's economy, or if it is the 99% (Aam Aadmi) who is to blame. Many argue that the filthy rich (the 1%) can amass billions in a single sweep, while the corrupt practices of the lower middle class or in common words ‘Aam Aadmi’ undermines society through the continual engagement in unethical practices.
Another question crops up regarding the accountability of societal elites in financial corruption: Are they the sole perpetrators while the general masses grapple with moral decay, or vice versa? Alternatively, might both factions be intertwined in a web of both financial and moral transgressions?
It may seem hard to believe, but it is a reality that this ‘Aam Aadmi’ in Pakistani society often displays more tendencies of being deceitful, untrustworthy, and dishonest. Let us begin by exploring the upper echelon (elites) of Pakistani society before turning our attention to the 'Aam Aadmi'—the common man—who has long been heralded as the potential catalyst for change within our society.
Aam Aadmi frequently directs criticism towards the ruling elite and their associated stakeholders, accusing them of corruption and obstructing the nation's progress, while simultaneously trampling on the rights of the Aam Aadmi. There is also, a widespread desire for transformation (of others) found in Pakistan. However, the willingness to initiate that change within oneself is often lacking.
In his book "Growth and Inequality in Pakistan: An Agenda for Reforms," economist Dr. Hafeez A. Pasha addresses the issue of "State Capture by the Elite" in Chapter 34. He highlights that Pakistan's elite class includes a diverse array of groups, such as the feudal class, the military establishment, multinational corporations, urban real estate developers, the parliamentarians, high-ranking bureaucrats, the corporate sector, exporters, large-scale traders, as well as state-owned enterprises, among others.
Dr. Pasha highlights a striking contrast in wealth between India and Pakistan, noting that India has over 160 billionaires, while Pakistan counts only two or three. This disparity is not merely numerical; it reflects a broader narrative of progress and investment. "These 160-plus billionaires (in dollars) have played a pivotal role in India's advancement," he explains, "by establishing thriving IT industries, founding educational institutions, and creating numerous job opportunities. Today, India's IT exports reach an impressive $300 billion. In contrast, the elite in Pakistan tend to favor investments abroad, revealing a fundamental difference in mindset. While India’s wealthy are committed to nurturing their homeland, our elite seem more inclined towards personal gain."
He stated that this (1%) elite of Pakistan is responsible for policy-making, which has resulted in their benefiting approximately Rs. 450,000 billion. Currently, 20 million youth in Pakistan—often highlighted as a youth bulge for demographic advantage—are entirely idle. For the first time, food inflation, which stands at 60%, has exceeded general inflation, leading to significant distress among the common people. Now, the question remains whether this elite will demonstrate any compassion or make sacrifices?
The second and most populous social class in Pakistan is the middle-lower class, often referred to as the 'Aam Aadmi.' This group is frequently characterized by a prevailing belief that this is the most dishonest, deceitful, and untrustworthy. Despite being outside the realms of politics, the establishment, and the ranks of bureaucrats, generals, or judges, the Aam Aadmi often assumes a position of authority over his peers, behaving like a modern-day pharaoh. Ironically, he becomes the fiercest adversary of those who share his own social standing.
If this ordinary individual finds himself in the role of a fruit or vegetable vendor, he might cunningly slip decayed produce into the customer's bag, a calculated act of deceit masked by the guise of commerce. If he is a tomato seller, he’ll adorn his cart with a crimson bulb at night, a sly trickster’s mark. Should he ride a motorcycle, he transforms into a menace for unsuspecting pedestrians.
When he operates a wagon or a bus, it heralds an ominous fate. Occasionally, he crosses boundaries, claiming to collect fare while inappropriately touching women. Behind the wheel of a tractor trolley, he morphs into a harbinger of doom. In the confines of a government office on clerical job, he slithers like a serpent, exuding a toxic presence, ready to strike with the venom of a scorpion.
This Aam Aadmi arrives at the office, engaging in light conversation while frequently checking his mobile phone. He pauses for moments of prayer and lunch before time and goes home. If this Aam Aadmi happens to be a businessman, he views his customers as subservient to his will. When a customer attempts to return an item purchased earlier in the day, he stubbornly refuses, despite the fact that the returner is merely another Aam Aadmi- who is seeking to return “a well-used item”.
When this Aam Aadmi ventures into a foreign land (if so), he does not simply pause his habits; rather, he adapts swiftly, influenced by the stringent regulations that govern his new surroundings. In this unfamiliar environment, he refrains from carelessly discarding trash on the streets or outside his residence, opting instead to use designated disposal methods. When this same individual finds himself navigating the services of SNGPL, IESCO, or PTCL, he performs his official tasks with remarkable ease, ‘miraculously’ on “work from home’ mode while his attendance is marked.
This seemingly unremarkable person has marred the traditions of both the Aam Aadmi and the elite by ensnaring a soul in perpetual servitude. Throughout his life, he becomes involved in conflicts and disputes with his relatives in favour of elite, frequently resulting in the deterioration of his relationships with family members. While the weight of poverty looms over his lineage, stretching back through countless generations, he nonetheless takes pride in enduring allegiance to those elite.
This Aam Aadmi justifies the serious misdeeds of the Khaas Aadmi, opting to defend rather than critique his mistakes. He instills a fear of the repercussions of wrongdoing in others, such as the punishments associated with the afterlife- including Azaab-e-Qabr and Dozakh, while remaining unaffected by those same fears himself. This Aam Aadmi inflicts hardship on his fellow (Aam Aadmi). When it comes to his son's marriage, he insists on a substantial dowry from the bride's family. In the case of his daughter, he encourages her to undermine her mother-in-law and sisters-in-law, urging her to dominate the household. If he is employed at home, he lacks loyalty to his employer. Instead, this Aam Aadmi chases after fraudulent spiritual leaders and charlatans, neglecting to care for his elderly parents who are in need of his support.
Aam Aadmi, consistently criticizes academia, judges, generals, journalists, bureaucrats, medical practitioners and others without reflecting on his own need for improvement. If he assumes the role of a teacher, he tends to mistreat his students. He believes that his views on politics, governance, religion, the military, the judiciary, societal issues, international relations, and global conflicts are always correct, while dismissing the opinions of others as incorrect. If you advise this Aam Aadmi that he is approaching from the wrong lane (road), he tends to take considerable time to defend his position, insisting that he is right.
In this scenario, the management of a mosque secures an ewer (lota) chaining it with a tap, and a steel glass attached to the water cooler to prevent theft by this Aam Aadmi. However, one Aam Aadmi proceeds to steal the shoe of another Aam Aadmi in a mosque. The victim of the theft (Aam Aadmi) then takes another Aam Aadmi’s shoe and walks away, while the next Aam Aadmi continues to search for the right shoe of another Aam Aadmi to steal. Thus this vicious cycle continuous amongst Aam Aadmi.
My father (in this video clip below) once imparted a significant two-word Hadith from the last Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), which eloquently conveys, "Aamalukum Ummalukum," translating to "your deeds are your rulers." This wisdom urges us to refrain from placing blame on politicians, bureaucrats, generals, judges, or any external figures. Instead, it calls for introspection and personal growth. By cultivating virtue within ourselves, we can ultimately manifest the positive transformations we desire in our society.
Conversely, the common man often finds a curious sense of freedom in flouting the law, driven by motivations known only to him. Should you doubt this assertion, I invite you to engage with an ordinary citizen on a motorcycle. If you dare to point out that he is traveling the wrong way, prepare yourself for a response that may challenge your expectations. The dynamics of this society reveal a complex interplay of loyalty, law, and individual agency, where the lines between right and wrong are often blurred.
“The exploration of theft as a compulsion driven by financial hardship is a recurring theme in literature, as demonstrated by several notable works. In Victor Hugo's "Les Misérables," Jean Valjean steals bread to feed his sister's starving children, evoking empathy for his desperate situation. Fyodor Dostoevsky's "Crime and Punishment" features Raskolnikov, who justifies his criminal actions through a belief in a greater good, revealing the moral complexities of crime and poverty. John Steinbeck's "The Grapes of Wrath" depicts the Joad family's struggle during the Great Depression, illustrating how extreme economic conditions can lead to morally questionable choices. Similarly, Charles Dickens' "Oliver Twist" critiques the societal factors that push individuals like Oliver, an orphan, to steal for survival. Collectively, these narratives prompt readers to reflect on the broader social and economic contexts that influence acts of theft.”
Conversely, the elite, who enjoy every luxury, are engaged in financial corruption driven by insatiable greed that is unjustifiable. This behavior can be likened to instances of kleptomania observed among various celebrities, who have been caught stealing in high-end shopping malls. The Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP), intended to provide financial assistance to the underprivileged across Pakistan, has revealed that numerous individuals in grades 17-22 have been misappropriating funds for their own benefit. This represents a significant issue of both financial and moral corruption that must be addressed publicly.
Despite the divide between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat in Pakistan, a noteworthy commonality emerges: both classes share a troubling affinity for corruption, whether financial or moral, which serves as a unifying thread in their societal fabric.
The moment this Aam Aadmi —99%—awaken to his true essence as human being, or Insaan (with sensibility), a wave of harmony will sweep from the bustling streets to the corridors of power. However, the likelihood of such a profound change occurring is as unlikely as those elite- 1% - who are not willing to recognize their privileges and forgo them for the greater good of Pakistan - the nation that has granted them these benefits.
"Many believe that the involvement of the Aam Aadmi in corrupt practices can be justified as a means of survival. Those who are marginalized often feel compelled to resort to such actions to provide for their children. In contrast, the elites, who already enjoy a life of luxury, seem insatiable in their pursuit of wealth. In this context, both social strata would benefit from reading "Raja Gidh," a novel by Bano Qudsia that explores the ramifications of unethical conduct and its repercussions for subsequent generations. Also, it is imperative to underscore the importance of universal access to education as a cornerstone for socio-economic progress. Additionally, all institutional pillars of the state—including the legislature, executive, judiciary, media, military, and religious entities—must adhere to their designated roles and boundaries to maintain a balanced society."
In conclusion, I would like to highlight three economists from the United States who were honored with the Nobel Prize in Economics in 2024. This prestigious award was presented to Simon Johnson, James Robinson, and Daron Acemoglu for their groundbreaking research on the enduring impacts of colonization on global inequality. Their study finds out the root causes of ongoing disparities in nations plagued by corruption and authoritarian regimes, underscoring the critical role that institutions play in fostering economic success and their significance in addressing contemporary economic challenges. Take a look if you find it intriguing!
The writer is a journalist and a student of MPhil, American Study Centre, Quaid-i-AZam University, Islamabad.
